Friday, December 2, 2011

Why the Right embraces wacky outsider Cain yet distrusts Obama

You're free to read this entire article about why conservatives the world over look to right-wing populists to reinvigorate their cause, and, ironically, to uphold privilege and hierarchy for the few, but I found this part really interesting, it lit up an "Oh, yeah, of course!" flashbulb of recognition in my mind that this was just so obviously true:

"'I think to the right-wing, Obama's rise to power was a little too, in a weird way, too traditional,' Robin said. 'He did all the right things. He worked hard, he studied hard, he went to the right schools. And he kind of did the march through the institutions. And I know there are some conservatives who credit that to affirmative action, and all the rest of it. But I think there's actually a deeper suspicion of it, which is that he's actually mimicking too much the ways of power.'

"This may help to explain the persistence of exotic paranoid fantasies about Obama on the right—birtherism, claims that he's a secret Muslim, a socialist, a terrorist, some sort of 'sleeper,' etc. The more Obama conforms to traditional prescriptions, the more they suspect him, seeking for the 'real truth', the 'real birth certificate', and so on.

"'Someone like Cain is actually more appealing to them because he's outside of—he doesn't have a traditional path to power. He's a self-made man.' Robin explained. 'He comes up through the marketplace, which is the only thing—the marketplace and the battlefield—is the only places that they really trust as being the sorting mechanisms of greatness.'"

Forgive me if this observation was apparent to you a long time ago....


Rightwing populism is an integral part of the conservative project, and it requires "outsider" figures of various sorts, no matter how wacky they may be.
By Paul Rosenberg
November 30, 2011 | AlterNet

Study: Financial industry's value overestimated

November 30, 2011 | Reuters

Banks' contribution to the economy may be hugely overstated, underscoring anger about the scale of taxpayer rescues and resultant government cutbacks, but a sharp retreat of banking worldwide looks painful for all and needs calibrating.

As sovereign debts and austerity bite across the West, spurring popular protest over rising inequality and malfunctioning capitalism, governments have been under pressure to act tough on the outsized and risky banking that was deemed too big to fail.

With everyone now on the hook for shoring up those banks and severe economic hardship being felt across the North Atlantic countries, the debate about "socially useless" aspects of banking has been intense.

Since 2007, the regulatory backlash has included forcing banks to build higher capital buffers; separating retail banking from global investment finance; curbing excessive pay; and taxing transactions and speculative activity.

But one eye-catching angle on the reassessment came from Bank of England economists this month.

In a paper for the VoxEU think tank, the Bank's executive director for Financial Stability, Andrew Haldane, and economist Vasileios Madouros claimed British and U.S. national accounts have significantly overestimated the "value added" provided by financial services firms before and since the crisis began.

The essence of their argument is that in calculating gross domestic product, government statisticians give far too much weight to banking activity that merely involves creating and bearing risk in lending and asset holdings.

Under the current system, the paper points out that the value added ascribed to U.S. financial intermediaries was as much as $1.2 trillion last year -- some 8 percent of GDP and a fourfold increase in its share of GDP since World War Two. In Britain the equivalent in 2009 was even higher at 10 percent.

To justify those huge gains, the economists argue that the productivity of bank capital and staff would need to have soared too -- in part justifying the huge rises in pay and bonuses. But the precipitous collapse of many of these banks in 2007 and 2008 questions whether the scale of those efficiency gains was anything more but smoke and mirrors.

"High pre-crisis returns to banking had a much more mundane explanation. They reflected simply increased risk-taking across the sector," Haldane and Madouros wrote, insisting that risk taking such as credit expansion to complex products leveraged by short-term borrowings does not amount to value added.

But national accounts blur the distinction between this unproductive "risk bearing" and productive "risk management," where banks provide valuable services of broking, credit screening or intermediation that helps firms and households grow, save and invest.

As a result, the gigantic balance sheet expansion of global banks in the decade prior the credit crisis was wrongly accounted for as increased value added. Households investing in a bond or taking out a mortgage, for example, also bear credit and liquidity risk but this is not seen as value added in GDP.

"If risk-making were a value-adding activity, Russian roulette players would contribute disproportionately to global welfare," Haldane and Madoura concluded.

The paper cites studies that showed adjusting accounts for this error would reduce the estimated economic output of euro zone banks by up to 40 percent. And applying that to UK banks would have cut their 2009 contribution to GDP from 10 percent to as low as six percent -- or an error of some 55 billion pounds.

A bigger distortion is that the hundreds of billions of dollars of public subsidies or bailouts to ailing banks meant many of these firms didn't even have to bear the very risks incorrectly flattering their output, productivity and pay.

"Instead it has been borne by society. That is why GDP today lies below its pre-crisis level. And it is why government balance sheets, relative to GDP, are set to double as a result of the crisis in many countries," Haldane and Madouros said.

ROLLING BACK BANKS

The calculations go some way to quantifying how far out of kilter banking was from the real economy. But it also shows that resolving the "too big to fail" dilemma that forced the bailouts will also involve some reversal of the balance sheet explosion.

The problem right now is that banking retreat is unleashing a double-whammy on an already austerity-squeezed global economy.

Uncertainty about the future shape of banking and another world downturn mean new capital for banks is scarce, forcing them to cut lending to meet more stringent capital ratios, such as the 9 percent base required of euro zone banks by mid-2012.

European banks alone are expected to ditch up to 3 trillion euros of loans next year to meet new capital rules.

U.S. investment banking giants too are cutting back assets and activities and openly talking about a secular downsizing of the industry [ID:nN1E7AE1WW]. And the world's ten largest banks involved in capital markets are estimated to have have lost about $250 billion of market capitalization since March.

Though wary of being deflected by banking lobbies into abandoning reforms, policymakers are recognizing that too much, too soon could dangerous.

Bank of England governor Mervyn King said on Monday euro bank deleveraging was already showing signs of a credit crunch.

"These are enormous challenges and it will not be easy to get through this," he said. "There will I think need to be a significant amount of rationalization of debts and credits in the world before we are finally to emerge from the end of this."

Finding a way to let the air out of the balloon slowly may be the big challenge of 2012 and beyond.

Thursday, December 1, 2011

Spitzer: Punish the Fed, Wall St. for misleading us

Tea Partyers and slash-the-debt types on the right will greet this news with a yawn. "What about Solyndra!" they'll reply. $500 million vs. $7 trillion. They just don't get it. They're dupes.

Meanwhile, OWS has its heart in the right place but its head who knows where, and doesn't give a hoot about parties or elections, so we can't count on them.

The remaining adults in the room are either silent or crazy. It takes a lot of audacity to be hopeful these days....


The government and the big banks deceived the public about their $7 trillion secret loan program. They should be punished.
By Eliot Spitzer
November 30, 2011 | Slate

Imagine you walked into a bank, applied for a personal line of credit, and filled out all the paperwork claiming to have no debts and an income of $200,000 per year. The bank, based on these representations, extended you the line of credit. Then, three years later, after fighting disclosure all the way, you were forced by a court to tell the truth: At the time you made the statements to the bank, you actually were unemployed, you had a $1 million mortgage on your house on which you had failed to make payments for six months, and you hadn't paid even the minimum on your credit-card bills for three months. Do you think the bank would just say: Never mind, don't worry about it? Of course not. Whether or not you had paid back the personal line of credit, three FBI agents would be at your door within hours.

Yet this is exactly what the major American banks have done to the public. During the deepest, darkest period of the financial cataclysm, the CEOs of major banks maintained in statements to the public, to the market at large, and to their own shareholders that the banks were in good financial shape, didn't want to take TARP funds, and that the regulatory framework governing our banking system should not be altered. Trust us, they said. Yet, unknown to the public and the Congress, these same banks had been borrowing massive amounts from the government to remain afloat. The total numbers are staggering: $7.7 trillion of credit—one-half of the GDP of the entire nation. $460 billion was lent to J.P. Morgan, Bank of America, Citibank, Wells Fargo, Goldman Sachs, and Morgan Stanley alone—without anybody other than a few select officials at the Fed and the Treasury knowing. This was perhaps the single most massive allocation of capital from public to private hands in our history, and nobody was told. This was not TARP: This was secret Fed lending. And although it has since been repaid, it is clear why the banks didn't want us to know about it: They didn't want to admit the magnitude of their financial distress.

The banks' claims of financial stability and solvency appear at a minimum to have been misleading—and may have been worse. Misleading statements and deception of this sort would ordinarily put a small-market player or borrower on the wrong end of a criminal investigation.

So where are the inquiries into the false statements made by the bank CEOs? And where are the inquiries about the Fed and Treasury officials who stood by silently as bank representatives made claims that were false, misleading, or worse?

Only now, because of superb analysis done by Bloomberg reporters—who litigated against the Fed and the banks for years to get the information—are we getting a full picture of the Fed and Treasury lending. The reporters also calculated that recipient banks and other borrowers benefited by approximately $13 billion simply by taking advantage of the "spread" between their cost of capital in these almost interest-free loans and their ability to lend the capital.

In addition to the secrecy, what is appalling is that these loans were made with no strings attached, no conditions, and no negotiation to achieve any broader public purpose. Even if one accepts the notion that the stability of the financial system could not be sacrificed, those who dispensed trillions of dollars to private parties made no apparent effort to impose even minimal obligations to condition the loans on the structural reforms needed to prevent another crisis, made no effort to require that those responsible for creating the crisis be relieved of their jobs, took zero steps towards the genuine mortgage-reform that is so necessary to begin a process of economic renewal. The dollars lent were simply a free bridge loan so the banks could push onto others the responsibility for the banks' own risk-taking.

If ever there was an event to justify the darkest, most conspiratorial view held by many that the alliance of big money on Wall Street and big government produces nothing but secret deals that profit insiders—this is it.

So what to do? The revelations of the secret loan program may provide the opportunity for Occupy Wall Street to suggest a few concrete steps that would be difficult to oppose.

First: Demand a hearing where the bank executives have to answer questions—under oath—about the actual negotiations, or lack thereof, that led to these loans; about the actual condition of each of the borrowing banks and whether that condition differed from the public statements made by the banks at the time.

Second: Require the recipient banks to use this previously undisclosed gift—the profit they made by investing this almost interest-free money—to write down the value of mortgages of those who are underwater. The loans to the banks were meant to solve a short-term liquidity problem, not be a source of profits to fund bonuses. Take back the profits and put them to a public use.

Third: Require the government officials responsible for authorizing these loans to explain why there was no effort made to condition these loans on changes in policy that would protect the public going forward.

Fourth: Ask congress to examine every filing and statement made to Congress by the banks about their financial condition and their indebtedness to see if any misrepresentations were made in an effort to hide these trillions of dollars of loans. Misleading Congress can be a felony, and willful deception of the Congress to hide the magnitude of the public bailouts should not go unprosecuted.

Finally: Demand that politicians return all contributions made by the institutions that got hidden loans. Pressure the politicians who continue to feed from the trough of Wall Street, even as they know all too well how the banks and others have gamed the system and the public.

Forbes: 'Every day is Black Friday' in housing sector

"Any sort of self-sustaining [housing sector] recovery, at this point, appears unfathomable."

The U.S. economy won't recover until housing recovers; and housing won't recover until the U.S. economy recovers. It's a perfect Catch-22!

So when's the last time you heard a single national-level politician offer an idea how to address this, the #1 problem our economy is facing right now? If they were waiting for the Fed's low interest rates to save us, they should have given up a year ago.

You know, I could almost respect a mean but frank right-winger who said, "Screw homeowners, banks and markets, let this foreclosure backlog work itself out," who would then be honest that this process could take years, maybe a decade, and in the meantime the U.S. economy would drag and unemployment would be high, no matter what else happened. But where is such an honest ideologue these days? No, instead the free-marketers and tea-party types want to blame our poor economy on excess federal regulation, Obamacare (which has yet to really take effect), and not enough oil drilling and coal mining. And nobody -- not the MSM or the Democrats -- are calling them on it.

The ones who haven't gone mute have gone insane!

'Every Day Is Black Friday' In Housing As Prices Tank, Case-Shiller Shows

By Agustino Fontevecchia

November 29, 2011 | Forbes

URL: http://www.forbes.com/sites/afontevecchia/2011/11/29/every-day-is-black-friday-in-housing-as-prices-tank-case-shiller-shows/

OWS is the 'rotten fruit of Obamaism'

I'm not sure you old tea-party types sitting at home in the 'burbs watching FOX and listening to ClearChannel really understand the sentiments driving the OWS protests. If you think this is about getting out the vote for Dems in 2012, re-living the hippy '60s, union funding, or George Soros's diabolical organizing, you're just not getting it. So here you go:

Of course, the sense of possibility that progressives might win was what fueled the election of Obama. And their frustration is what has created the context for OWS—and raises the specter that it might alter the landscape the president must traverse next year in dramatic and unpredictable ways.

"Obama didn't build a movement, he built an electoral machine," says Marom. "If he had built a movement, he would not be where he is right now. But the fact that he was elected, that so many people came out in the streets for him, that people cried when he won, was an expression of the fact that they wanted what they thought he was, which is an alternative. He wasn't it. He can't deliver it. This political system can't deliver it. This economy can't deliver it. But there are millions of people who genuinely want it. That's amazing and inspiring to people like us, who are just, like, 'Okay. This is for real.' "

As an avowed liberal-progressive, I'm still not sure I like OWS, because I'm not sure all their energy will come to anything; and meanwhile there are real winnable battles being fought, and the stakes are high. There are big elections coming up, and Republicans and faux Democrats are vulnerable. But votes and elections just aren't what OWS is about. That's their prerogative. I just hope they know what they're doing.

2012=1968?

In 2008, Barack Obama lit a fire among young activists. Next year, Occupy Wall Street could consume him.

By John Heilemann

November 27, 2011 | New York Magazine

URL: http://nymag.com/print/?/news/politics/occupy-wall-street-2011-12/