Showing posts with label living wage. Show all posts
Showing posts with label living wage. Show all posts

Tuesday, November 26, 2013

Baker: Technology didn't kill middle class jobs, public policy did

Baker doesn't mention other advanced countries like Germany that did not lose their middle class and manufacturing jobs, even though they are subject to the same global, technological forces that ostensibly destroyed U.S. wages and jobs. Why? Because their politicians protected their unions and domestic manufacturers, among other things.


By Dean Baker
November 25, 2013 | Guardian

Friday, November 8, 2013

Largest civil disobedience in Walmart history for living wage

Solidarity with our fellow Americans in Walmart!

Let's recall that under $12,000 for a single person without children is a poverty wage

Walmart workers engaged in civil disobedience to receive $25,000, less than the median wage in the U.S. right now.


By Kathleen Miles
November 8, 2013 | Huffington Post

Wednesday, July 17, 2013

Meyerson: Cities resist the 'Wal-Mart-ization of work'

Meyerson's point about Southern regional wages being imposed on Northern workers is especially interesting: "Wal-Mart’s goal is to erase that North-South difference by making every place the South."

For what it's worth, I'm 110% behind the DC city council's decision to require big box stores to pay their workers a living wage!  Where Wal-Mart go, wages go down.  It's been proven.  Let's hope DC's mayor doesn't veto the council's profile in courage!


By Harold Meyerson
July 16, 2013 | Washington Post

For Republicans who want to cut the number of food stamp recipients, here’s a helpful suggestion: Support the ordinance passed last week by the D.C. Council, which required big-box stores like Wal-Mart to pay their employees at least $12.50 an hour.

On average, Wal-Mart pays its workers $12.67 an hour — which means that a huge number of its 1.4 million U.S. employees make a good deal less than that. By paying so little, the Bentonville behemoth compels thousands of its employees to use food stamps to feed their families and Medicaid to pay their doctor bills. It compels taxpayers to pick up a tab that wouldn’t even exist if the company paid its workers enough to get them out of poverty.

How many such workers go on the public rolls? Some states occasionally survey where those employees work, and Wal-Mart almost invariably tops their lists. An Ohio tally in 2009, for instance, found that 15,246 Wal-Mart workers were Medicaid recipients and 12,731 were on food stamps. (McDonald’s came in second in each category.)

Last week’s vote by the D.C. Council was just the latest round in the ongoing battle over whether Wal-Mart can open stores in the nation’s largest Northeastern and West Coast cities. The chain has encountered fierce resistance as it has sought to move into New York, Los Angeles, Chicago, Boston, San Francisco and now the nation’s capital. Elected officials in those cities have feared that America’s largest low-wage employer would compel long-established local retailers — most particularly, unionized supermarkets — to lower their wages.

study by the Center for Labor Research and Education at the Berkeley campus of the University of California found that the opening of just one Wal-Mart store in a county where there previously had been none lowered the wages of general merchandise employees in that county by 1 percent, and grocery employees by 1.5 percent. The counties surveyed did not include those that encompassed the largest East and West Coast cities, where the gap between Wal-Mart’s wages and those of other supermarkets is greatest. But just the possibility that Wal-Mart might receive the go-ahead to open stores in Los Angeles in 2004 compelled that city’s supermarket employee union to accept a management demand to establish a markedly lower pay scale for new hires. When subsequent public opposition to Wal-Mart’s entry kept the chain largely out of L.A., the lower pay scale was eliminated the next time the union’s contract was renegotiated.

With Wal-Mart repeatedly failing to gain entry into the nation’s largest and most lucrative consumer markets, its investors might wonder why the company insists on maintaining its one-size-fits-all pay scale. Sam Walton founded and built the business in the rural South, where both the cost of living and the average pay levels were the lowest in the nation. However, it has not significantly adjusted its pay levels to accommodate the higher costs of living that workers in the nation’s priciest cities must bear. Twelve bucks an hour goes a lot farther in Bentonville than it does in Brooklyn. The executives at Costco, Wal-Mart’s closest competitor, know how to run a profitable discount chain that pays workers well: Its average hourly wage is just over $19. That’s why there are Costco outlets in the cities where Wal-Mart is still on the outside looking in.

By one measure, Wal-Mart’s insistence on bringing Southern wages north contradicts the spirit of Southern regionalism on which many of America’s (and now, the world’s) largest companies have come to rely. Knowing that both the cost of living and wage scales are lower in the South, and that Southern states’ right-to-work laws effectively blocked workers’ efforts to form unions, Northern manufacturers began opening plants there decades ago.

Wal-Mart’s goal is to erase that North-South difference by making every place the South. It commands such a large share of the nation’s retail sector that it has compelled its suppliers to lower their own pay scales all along its supply chain to provide lower-cost products.

So, high-wage manufacturers say they have to go south, while low-wage retailers say they have to go north. In aggregate, the corporate message to Northern workers is: Heads, I win; tails, you lose.

That’s why last week’s vote by the D.C. Council has more than just local importance. Requiring the District’s big-box stores to pay a living wage ensures that incomes in this high-cost city won’t be dragged down to the level of those in the low-cost rural South. The council’s vote isn’t the final word: D.C. Mayor Vincent Gray still could veto the measure. But with working-class incomes everywhere spiraling downward, he might conclude that the Wal-Mart-ization of work — and income — must be stopped at the District line.

Monday, December 17, 2012

'Socialist' Adam Smith on owners v. labor

Rosenberg's latest post is worth reading in full; I'll just copy two quotes he gives from the father of economics Adam Smith regarding the "masters" and "workmen" of the world, because his observations still hold true. The first one relates to collective bargaining, without which individual workers are always at a disadvantage to their employers:

A landlord, a farmer, a master manufacturer, a merchant, though they did not employ a single workman, could generally live a year or two upon the stocks which they have already acquired. Many workmen could not subsist a week, few could subsist a month, and scarce any a year without employment. In the long run the workman may be as necessary to his master as his master is to him; but the necessity is not so immediate.

And here's a second one... so apropos the present-day USA!

Whenever the legislature attempts to regulate the differences between masters and their workmen, its counsellors are always the masters. When the regulation, therefore, is in favour of the workmen, it is always just and equitable; but it is sometimes otherwise when in favour of the masters.

Remarks Rosenberg:

This is why economics used to be called "political economy", because the great classical economists never lost sight of the fact that economics was a thoroughly political activity, not something outside of the life of a political community.

Politics -- not economics -- is why our "masters" of business are not only beating our "workmen" in the state-by-state battle against right-to-work laws and a higher minimum wage; it's also why they are able to win expensive federal and local tax breaks, not to mention direct financial incentives -- and meanwhile, nobody bothers to do a cost-benefit analysis, even ex post facto.

But we sure can see the effects on workers' wages over the past 30 years, despite their ever-rising productivity, there's no denying it.


By Paul Rosenberg
December 15, 2012 | Aljazeera