Your one-stop shop for news, views and getting clues. I AM YOUR INFORMATION FILTER, since 2006.
Wednesday, April 30, 2014
Frum: Why NRA wins while other conservatives lose
Friday, April 18, 2014
Bloomberg is taking on the NRA
Monday, September 2, 2013
Bloomberg: U.S. heath system least efficient in the world
Each country was ranked on three criteria: life expectancy (weighted 60%), relative per capita cost of health care (30%); and absolute per capita cost of health care (10%). Countries were scored on each criterion and the scores were weighted and summed to obtain their efficiency scores. Relative cost is health cost per capita as a percentage of GDP per capita. Absolute cost is total health expenditure, which covers preventive and curative health services, family planning, nutrition activities and emergency aid. Included were countries with populations of at least five million, GDP per capita of at least $5,000 and life expectancy of at least 70 years.
Sunday, August 25, 2013
Trump University: The cost of worshiping the wealthy
Donald Trump is a boorish, egomaniacal plutocrat. But we already knew that. That's not what bothers me today.
Tuesday, May 28, 2013
This is how the NRA will lose
Saturday, April 27, 2013
Bloomberg is the best we've got in a bad situation
Tuesday, August 16, 2011
Bigwigs say rebuild U.S. transport infrastructure
Friday, January 21, 2011
Mayor Bloomberg: There is consensus on gun control
January 18, 2011 | Huffington Post
• Americans overwhelmingly believe that its time to close the loopholes that make it possible for people to buy guns without background checks: 86% of Americans and 81% of gun owners support requiring all gun buyers to pass a background check, no matter where they buy the gun and no matter who they buy it from.
Sunday, November 29, 2009
Mark Pittman (RIP) on mortgage crisis, Fed
By Ryan Chittum
February 27, 2009 | Columbia Journalism Review
(UPDATE, November 29, 2009: Mark died a couple of days ago. It's a huge loss and we'll have more on him next week, but until then you can read some of what we've written about his exploits here. We wrote about when he and Bloomberg sued the Fed and when he won. Here's Pittman with his friend and colleague Bob Ivry (who wrote Pittman's excellent obituary), with a great profile of Elizabeth Warren last week. Here's our look at how a Pittman story last September helped break the huge story of Goldman's (and others') backdoor bailout through AIG.
Here he is going after an incredibly complex story: How much are those toxic assets actually worth? And Pittman kept a close eye on the disastrously bad deals Uncle Sam cut for itself to benefit Wall Street. Watch him leverage the hot story, the AIG bonuses, to show how much bigger another story was, the bailouts of AIG's counterparties.)
Mark Pittman has been all over this financial crisis.
He was part of a team at Bloomberg News that won the Loeb Award last year for a five-part series on the origins of the crisis called "Wall Street's Faustian Bargain," including Pittman's lead story on how the Street goosed the subprime mortgage market late with financial engineering.
The new standardized contracts they created would allow firms to protect themselves from the risks of subprime mortgages, enable speculators to bet against the U.S. housing market, and help meet demand from institutional investors for the high yields of loans to homeowners with poor credit.
The tools also magnified losses so much that a small number of defaulting subprime borrowers could devastate securities held by banks and pension funds globally, freeze corporate lending, and bring the world's credit markets to a standstill.
In addition to the Loeb-winning work, Pittman has broken major stories on Goldman Sachs's interest in the AIG bailout, Hank Paulson's role in creating the subprime mess, and the ratings agencies inexplicable delays in downgrading mortgage securities, and he's delved into how Wall Street spread its detritus across the world.
Pittman is a native of Kansas City, graduated from the University of Kansas, and got his first job covering cops at the Coffeyville Journal in southern Kansas, where he was paid so little he had to get a part-time job as a ranch hand across the Oklahoma border in Lenapah. Proving yet again that it really is a small world and journalism is even smaller (and getting smaller every day, as Pittman points out) we discovered to our amazement that my late grandfather Arva Chittum was a good source of Pittman's back in the early 1980's in Coffeyville.
He spent twelve years at the Times Herald-Record in Middletown, New York, before joining Bloomberg News in 1997.
We spoke recently about cops, CDO's, and the crisis.
The Audit: How did you get started at Bloomberg News?
Mark Pittman: That was back when Bloomberg News only had like fifty people in New York. I covered oil in the beginning and then they moved me to covering securities firms. I was covering the Street in 1999 to 2000. There were only two of us covering the whole Street. We didn't do a very good job as you can imagine. We could barely get the earnings out.
I went on to private equity and corporate finance. I got a wide education. I learned a lot about trading. If you cover the oil markets, those guys know how to trade. They know how to pull the trigger on stuff and back out. That gets in your bones. When you realize how you make money doing that kind of stuff, a lot of other things make sense. I'm not sure that a lot of business journalists get that kind of knowledge.
That's stuff you just don't get covering companies or doing profiles. You learn different stuff.
TA: How'd you get onto the crisis story?
MP: I had a conversation with a couple of people in late 2006/early 2007, and people were talking about what's wrong with asset-backed securities and where all this is headed. I'd also covered derivatives contracts. When they first started doing credit-default swaps on companies, I covered that. That was like '99-2000. You could tell it was going to be a really hot thing.
When they started talking about doing derivatives on mortgage-backed securities [a bet against the housing market; this is explained a few lines below], I was like "oh, man, that means the banks are scared!" That was 2006, and we wrote a whole series about this.
You always want to be around the hot story. If you're not around the hot story, you're screwed.
TA: So did you go into that pretty much full-time? How'd you convince your editors to let you do that?
MP: You know it really wasn't hard. They've really let me take a lot of chances here, and they're extremely generous with my time. They recognize it as an important part of the reporting process. They give me a lot of rope. They let me figure stuff out. That's something that's in real short supply with a lot of news organizations now. You've got to let reporters run and figure out what's going on.
TA: Not many others have the resources to do much of that nowadays.
MP: Instead of doing the sixth sidebar on a bailout program that probably won't work anyway, let the person figure out what's actually happening. And you've got to let your people do that.
We did a five-part series [the one that won the Loeb] on the whole idea of why the subprime crisis occurred, and it starts with this story about how a bunch of traders at Deutsche Bank, Goldman Sachs, JP Morgan got together and said "We need a standard contract to be able to short the mortgage market." As soon as I realized they were going to try and short the mortgage market I said, "Ohhh. That means they think the market is going down."
TA: And these are the guys who've come out pretty okay in this.
MP: You'll notice UBS and Merrill aren't in the group. The thing about this entire series of events is this is so complicated and so intertwined that we don't have —journalists are not qualified to cover the story. We don't have the background. These guys are doing stuff that you had no idea was happening. The off-balance-sheet accounting stuff is crazy.
TA: Well, if the ex-chairman of the Fed Alan Greenspan, formerly regarded as a near god, didn't understand what this stuff was, who did? He had access to all the people and all the information he could want.
MP: He had no idea what was going on. How is it possible for them to sell themselves, to an off-balance-sheet entity, risk that is now exploding all over everybody? Why would that be allowed and why would you be able to book a profit on this? Who was in charge of this?
We haven't got to the bottom of this whole thing yet. Somebody's going to do this big forensic—and it might be me!—somebody's going to do the deep dive into how everything happened and they're going to find out that this system was just on autopilot and was spinning money out to a whole bunch of people. And it included you and me.
TA: In the form of cheap credit?
MP: Yes. The spreads should never have gotten to that level.
This goes back to why AIG is all screwed up. The banks sold AIG all their risk in 2007, when it was really blowing up. AIG had sworn that they weren't going to do any more of this and then (the banks) restuffed the CDO's [collateralized debt obligations] with new stuff. So (AIG) had newer collateral that they weren't really aware of.
TA: So the banks were stuffing the CDO's with new stuff but AIG didn't know they were replacing the stuff?
MP: Right.
TA: An MBS [mortgage-backed security], you can't move things in or out, but a CDO you can. Are the banks liable for this? AIG got blown up, but these guys knew what they were doing.
MP: You know what, the lawsuits will have to sort that out. And it's going to be going on for years. It's going to be just a debacle. Congress is going to have go through and force people to say "Okay, so what did you do with this, and where did it go from here?" They need to have very talented investigators go in and find out what the deal is.
TA: Tell me how your cops background plays into what you're doing now.
MP: You end up with a big BS detector as a cops reporter because the cops lie to you, the victims lie to you, the people helping the victims lie to you. And you've got to sort through and there will be a story that seems a certain way and it just won't be—and you know it. That's what this is about.
The reporters who didn't question the tight, tight spreads [the narrow difference in interest rates offered by Treasury bills and other, less secure instruments] that were going on in corporate [bonds], it was wrong. Where is this demand coming from? How can you guys sell this issue in thirty minutes? Who the hell's buying this stuff like that? We're going to come to the answer that it was going off balance sheet, at least temporarily, and then it might be sold to other customers.
TA: So they were buying it themselves and…
MP: They were buying it themselves. Yeah. And not every deal. But you know what—it happened enough. We don't have enough journalists in America who understand what a spread does, which is the essence of banking. I just finished Dean's piece in Mother Jones recently. We've got 9,000 business journalists and maybe twenty of them know what a spread is. This is not business journalism's finest hour. But it is our biggest opportunity ever.
TA: How does the Bloomberg terminal inform your reporting or help you find leads?
MP: Well, I'll give you an example. The first best story that I did about this—I'm gonna brag about this—was in June of '07. It said that subprime bonds are failing and they're failing at an alarming rate, and they're going up a lot, and they all need to be downgraded. The ratings companies aren't following their own criteria for what makes a bond a certain rating. I did that through data that's available on the Bloomberg. We've got a function called DQRP, which gives you delinquency reports on every RMBS [residential mortgage-backed security], dividing it up by category. So you can pick the worst bonds with the worst stuff and you can divide it up by rating—all kinds of sorting. Nobody has that but us.
TA: I didn't even know that capability was out there.
MP: Hell yes, man. And it works. Then you can pull up each individual bond and you've got a complete description of its geographic reach—how much is in California, all kinds of great stuff. What a weapon! And if you know how to use it, it works pretty well.
TA: So what's your prescription for business journalists? What do they need to know and do? Not everybody's going to have a $20,000 a year Bloomberg terminal to play with.
MP: Hardly anyone has a Bloomberg machine and the ones that do don't know how to use it.
But you know what? The government needs to make this kind of data much more publicly available than it is now. We purchase a lot of this. But, for instance, a lot of the bond deals were (not subject to disclosure). And all the CDO's were private placements. We know why—because they placed them with themselves. The number of secret deals going bad is astounding, it's probably 90 percent of them were secret deals.
TA: Bloomberg's got a ton of people on bonds, but I've said before that a part of why the business press failed here was that it has so many times more people covering equities than debt. And debt markets are many, many times the size of the equity markets. That's kind of a major problem right there, right?
MP: It is huge. Most reporters, it's shocking how few of them actually understand the difference between price and yield. Hardly any business journalist actually covers the financing. If you cover a company and all of a sudden their borrowing costs go from 100 (basis points) over to 250 or 300 over [meaning investors believe the risk has increased substantially], and no one asks a question. There's a problem there when that happens and nobody asks a question. I think we have training issues in a huge way in our profession. We brought a knife to a gunfight.
TA: Does there need to be regulation just to simplify things to where it makes sense to more people?
MP: If it was all transparent the complexity wouldn't matter. If the CDO market had had publicly available prospectuses with the contents of the CDO disclosed, we wouldn't have this issue, because Bloomberg probably would have made fun of anybody who bought anything like this. But there was this enormous shadow banking system going on. We did a series about that, too. A lot of times people don't see what we do.
TA: That's one of the problems I've noticed. We've consciously tried at The Audit to make sure people are reading your stuff. I don't think it's become a habit for a lot of people even in the biz to go over to Bloomberg.
MP: It kinda bums you out, because you want to do things that have big (impact) because that's why you're in the business. And public policy would work a lot better if they actually understood what the hell was going on.
TA: Like adding up the total number of trillions that the government is on the hook for in this bailout. Nobody else is doing that but you. Why not?
MP: Because it's a big pain. You start off with whatever you can remember off the top of your head—oh, they're doing this, they're doing that—you start writing it down on a piece of paper and you go "Wow, this is real money." It starts adding up.
The thing that people don't realize is that the Fed is now the "bad bank." That's just something that people don't understand. They've taken collateral, and they refuse to tell us how they valued it…
We have numerous banks— dozens, maybe hundreds that are insolvent. And they become more insolvent every day because more people quit paying their mortgage loans, and more guys move out of the shopping center, and more people quit paying their credit cards. But nobody wants to have the adult conversation…We need to be honest about what the problem is here, how big it is, and how we're going forward to clean it up, and who's going to pay for it.
TA: Basically the charade that's going on here is that they haven't marked these assets down yet because that would show they're insolvent.
MP: But a lot of [the assets] have gone to the Fed, though, as collateral for loans. They're still on their balance sheet, but you borrowed against them. We don't know if those are cracked CDO's or prime RMBS…
TA: That's what you guys are suing (the Federal Reserve) for—to find out what the collateral is.
MP: Yeah, and that's the secret part of the story that nobody wants to let you know.
TA: Because it's worth pennies on the dollar or dimes on the dollar.
MP: Yeah, and then everybody's going to go "Oh my God, we're lending ninety cents on something that's worth twenty or thirty?"
TA: They say they don't want to disclose it because it would interfere with the markets, is that right?
MP: Their basic argument is this would cause chaos, and they're probably right. But that doesn't mean that the American taxpayer ought to be on the hook for this.
TA: Why would it cause chaos?
MP: Because people would realize that we're lending eighty cents on the dollar for something that's worth twenty cents.
TA: So political chaos?
MP: And maybe market chaos, too. Well, you know the market's probably pretty savvy about this thing, and everybody knows what's going on but we just haven't communicated with the public. When you say "political chaos" you might well be right. That may be what it was. Congress is going to go "We're lending this much money on this Triple-C security? What are we thinking here?"
TA: One thing I really like about you guys is in your reporting and writing, you have a sense of outrage that's not in the Journal, say. This thing is so huge, and you guys are conveying the magnitude of it better than some, and there's a sense of urgency that's lacking elsewhere. Is this a conscious thing in the newsroom?
MP: We have been primary movers for transparency in markets since our existence. Bloomberg's reason for being was to give the buy side enough tools so they wouldn't get screwed by the investment banks. That's what we're about. So we're a weapon for the buy side and a de facto weapon for every one who has a mutual fund. We just need to level the playing field and let everybody know what's going on. This is from Matt Winkler on down. This is what we do.
It's also that we realize this is a defining moment for business journalism and for Wall Street. I think that this organization, this news department, was built for this crisis. We've got more tools than anybody, we've got the will, we have the assets to go after this in a huge way. Everybody believes that in this room.
Hopefully, we will be able to inform the people enough to know how badly we're getting screwed (laughs). We need to know how to prevent it from happening again, and we need to know who did it. There's renewed energy on this front because we've staffed up the people who cover banks, the securities firms. We have a lot more people going at real estate and a bunch of different areas that this involves. That was a conscious move from meetings we started having in 2007. We hired people and we moved people from one area to another area.
Our issue is we have readers who are very interested in very small things. That's why they have the terminal. It's because they're interested in natural gas or things that aren't connected with the biggest story in twenty years, maybe longer. This is a big deal and it's going to be going on—I swear to God I'm going to retire on this story, because it's just going to keep happening.
Monday, May 25, 2009
Sirota: Bloomberg, Yankees, & socializing risk
The House That Taxpayers Built
By David Sirota
May 22, 2009 | Creators.com
Somewhere, likely in a basement, the next great documentarian is scavenging YouTube for clips of congressional inquisitions, Wall Street perp walks, and CNBC rants for a future Oscar-winning film about the times we're living through. I'm hoping this future star calls her film "Wall Street II: Cataclysmic Boogaloo," and more importantly, I'm hoping she gets footage of New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg, preferably wearing a top hat and monocle.
Even amid CEO testimony, Bernie Madoff grimaces and Rick Santelli diatribes, nothing better captures the moment's destructive greed than a billionaire politician using the municipal office he bought to defend charging $2,500 a ticket to a new Yankee Stadium he forced the public to finance. If there is a single act showing how kleptocracy and let-them-eat-cake-ism are systemic and local rather than momentary and exclusively federal, Bloomberg turning the House that Ruth Built into the House That Taxpayers Built is it.
Foreign oligarchs use guns to confiscate citizens' wages. American oligarchs rely on government to give theft the aura of legitimacy, and Manhattan's richest man is no exception. As an investigation by Assemblyman Richard Brodsky (D) documents, Bloomberg used various public agencies to extract between $1 billion and $4 billion from taxpayers and then spent the cash on a new stadium for the Yankees, the wealthiest corporation in sports.
The move followed a Bloomberg-backed 2005 initiative giving infamous investment bank Goldman Sachs $1.6 billion in taxpayer-financed bonds to construct its new headquarters — and amazingly, this encore rip-off is more spectacular. Mimicking tax cheats' deliberately complex transactions, the city owns the stadium, leases it to an agency, which then leases it to a corporate subsidiary, which then leases it to the Yankees. At the end of the Ponzi scheme, the team is permitted to use the taxes it already owes to pay off the mortgage on its new chateau.
New Yorkers might be celebrating if these giveaways delivered verifiable returns to taxpayers.
But Brodsky's report notes that "there is little in new job creation, private investment, or new economic activity" from the expenditure. Taxpayers don't even get affordable seats. According to Newsday, they get a stadium charging the highest ticket prices in baseball — $2,500 for "premium" views (since reduced to "just" $1,250) and $410 for a family of four in the cheap seats.
Like Wall Street firms insisting that trillion-dollar bailouts are a small price for economic stability, Bloomberg first justified everything first by saying taxpayers "put next to nothing" into the stadium. (In fairness, a media-mogul mayor who is the planet's 17th wealthiest man may genuinely believe a few billion is "next to nothing" — but, for comparison, it's more than all the devastating cuts to police, firefighting, school and infrastructure budgets that he proposed in his budget).
Then Bloomberg offered the same laissez-faire paean that financial CEOs cite in opposing executive pay caps. "Don't ever think sports is anything but a business," he said, joining bankers in selectively forgetting that arguments for free-market "business" ring hollow when government is propping up said "business."
If this tale of the House that Taxpayers Built was some anomaly, it might be vaguely funny. But while Bloomberg sets milestones for avarice, the bailout-ism he espouses is the norm.
In Washington, "The Obama administration has broken all records in the distribution of taxpayer dollars to American businesses, primarily banks, automobile manufacturers and insurance companies," reports the Huffington Post. At the local level, lawmakers trip over themselves to throw giveaways at corporate campaign donors.
In the new Gilded Age, socializing risk and privatizing profit has become the standard — as American as General Motors, Bank of America and, yes, the New York Yankees.
Sunday, December 14, 2008
Bloomberg: Economic turmoil from auto bankruptcies
GM, Chrysler Bankruptcies Would Cause Turmoil for U.S. Economy
By Michael McKee
December 12, 2008 | Bloomberg.com
A bankruptcy filing by General Motors Corp. or Chrysler LLC might send the U.S. economy into chaos within weeks if it led to a shutdown at the companies.
Industry experts and economists say the automakers would close plants, fire tens of thousands of workers and cut production. That would cause many of their suppliers to collapse, triggering more job losses, straining the cities and states where the car and parts companies operate, as well as federal safety-net programs.
It would also deliver another psychological blow to consumers and a major shock to Main Street following the crises on Wall Street.
"The auto industry is a key element in the economy," said Bob Schnorbus, chief economist at J.D. Power & Associates in Troy, Michigan. "Anything that disrupts it is going to slow the economy down more than we have already seen."
Economists say it's difficult to estimate the full impact, given the large number of possible scenarios. The outcome hinges on which companies filed for bankruptcy and when, and whether they would be able to continue building cars and trucks while in reorganization -- assuming they don't go into liquidation.
"It would be unprecedented," says Stephen Stanley, chief economist at RBS Greenwich Capital in Greenwich, Connecticut. "So it's hard to say exactly what would happen."
'Cascade of Failures'
Still, a GM or Chrysler bankruptcy "would be the start of a cascade of failures," says Dennis Virag, president of Automotive Consulting Group in Ann Arbor, Michigan. "The economy will be in chaos within weeks."
The Bush administration said today it will consider using money from the $700 billion bank-bailout fund to prevent GM and Chrysler from "collapsing." On Dec. 11, the Senate rejected a short-term aid package for the two automakers.
The effect of a bankruptcy on growth would be significant, although economists say it won't be as great as in decades past. Gross domestic product fell at a 4.2 percent annual pace in the fourth quarter of 1970 -- when, like today, the U.S. was in a recession -- following a 67-day nationwide strike against GM. Today, auto production accounts for only about 3 percent of GDP, Stanley says.
"It would obviously be a sizeable jolt to the economy," he says. "But the sector is not as important as it was."
Even so, statistics from the Center for Automotive Research in Ann Arbor show 239,000 people work in the U.S. for GM, Chrysler and Ford Motor Co. The center, which does research for the auto companies, estimates total job losses would reach 2.5 million if GM failed and 3.5 million if all three auto companies went out of business in 2009.
Retail Impact
That includes 1.4 million people in industries such as retailing that aren't directly tied to manufacturing. Economists say each manufacturing job is responsible for an additional six jobs outside the industry.
Many analysts say the Center for Automotive Research totals are exaggerated. The actual number of losses would depend on whether Americans keep buying cars and trucks. While a Chapter 11 bankruptcy would allow the automakers to continue making vehicles while they restructure, GM, Ford and Chrysler have argued deliveries would drop precipitously as customers balked at buying anything made by a company that might not be around to fix it.
U.S. auto sales plunged 37 percent in November to a seasonally adjusted annual rate of 10.2 million -- the lowest level in 26 years, according to Autodata Corp. in Woodcliff Lake, New Jersey -- compared with 16.1 million a year earlier and 10.6 million in October.
Closing Dealerships
Dealerships are already feeling the pinch. The National Automobile Dealers Association, a trade group based in McLean, Virginia, estimates that even without an automaker bankruptcy, 900 dealers will close this year and 1,100 next year, most of them GM, Ford and Chrysler franchises. The association says the three companies have more than 13,000 dealers nationwide, employing more than 700,000 workers.
The ripples of failure would also spread quickly to auto- parts makers. "There's a fairly large number of suppliers out there very squeezed on cash right now," says Jim Gillette, director of supplier analysis for CSM Worldwide, an automotive consulting firm in Northville, Michigan. "Vehicle volumes are so low, regardless of a bailout, that suppliers are still in trouble."
Production Problems
Because many of these business work for all three companies, widespread closures would lead to production problems at Ford, even if it didn't file for bankruptcy protection, officials at the No. 2 U.S. car company have said.
Parts makers including American Axle & Manufacturing Holdings Inc. and brake and powertrain-system makers ArvinMeritor Inc. and Hayes Lemmerz International Inc. employ 526,000 workers, according to U.S. Labor Department statistics, down more than 300,000 since 2000. Gillette predicts another fifth of them will lose their jobs in the coming year even if the automakers get bridge loans.
That will mean higher unemployment costs for states, which pay an average of $279 a week for benefits for 26 weeks, according to Jennifer Kaplan, a Labor Department economist. The payments can last as long as 39 weeks in some states, including Ohio, where GM has more than 11,000 employees, according to the company's Web site. The jobless rate there was 7.2 percent in September.
[Let's say only 1 million people lose their jobs and collect $279 unemployment benefits for 26 weeks: that's $7.2 billion in gov't spending. This is not to mention lost tax revenue from their wages. If 2.5 million people lose their jobs and collect unemployment, the cost to government would be at least $18.1 billion, not to mention the lost tax revenue from wages. Still think a $15 billion loan is a bad deal for taxpayers? - J]
Retiree Pensions
Hundreds of thousands of auto retirees who depend on the companies for pensions and health insurance would also be affected. Bankruptcy could throw them into federal government programs -- including the Pension Benefit Guaranty Corporation and Medicare -- just when rescue packages and government market actions are ballooning the federal budget.
The effect would be multiplied by an estimated decline in tax revenue for federal, state and local governments of $108.1 billion over three years if the U.S. automakers' operations were cut by 50 percent, the Center for Automotive Research says.
A collapse would quickly spread to financial markets, said Eric Selle, an automotive-credit analyst at JPMorgan Chase & Co. in a research report last month. GM, Ford, Chrysler and their credit operations comprise 10 percent of the high-yield bond market, he said, and any failure would have major implications for credit-default swaps, asset-backed securities and commercial paper. It would be "the credit crisis, part II," he said.
Federal Reserve Chairman Ben S. Bernanke signaled less concern about the potential impact for the bond market in a Dec. 5 letter to Senate Banking Committee Chairman Christopher Dodd.
Losses Recognized
The automakers' bonds "already trade at 20 to 40 percent of par value, suggesting that many of the losses that would be associated with a default have probably already been recognized," he said.
Even if the automakers get loans to continue operations, the economy is going to take a hit. All three companies have promised to cut workers and close plants as a condition of receiving aid. And today, General Motors said it will close 30 plants for at least part of the first quarter, cutting production by 250,000 vehicles. Honda Motor Co. said it will eliminate 119,000 vehicles from its North American production plan.
That means "suppliers are going to go under in the next few months, even if a bridge loan comes in," Gillette says. "The only solution is to sell more cars."
