The real problem with the health care plan — for Mr. Romney and the Republicans in general — is that political credit for it goes to Mr. Obama. Now, Mr. Romney is in a terrible fix trying to spin his way out of this paradox and tear down something he knows is right — something for which he ought to be taking great political credit of his own.
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Monday, October 1, 2012
Conservatives should back Obamacare
Monday, September 3, 2012
Obama owes liberals an explanation -- and an apology
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| A little grayer, but any wiser after 4 years of giving in to the GOP? |
- the public option in Obamacare;
- a stimulus bill in excess of $1.2 billion that was not one-third tax cuts;
- real mortgage modifications with principal reduction for millions of underwater homeowners;
- letting Bush's irresponsible tax cuts expire; and
- real banking-financial reform to end Too Big To Fail and speculation with taxpayers' guarantee.
This is not to mention Obama's erstwhile support for fast U.S. troops withdrawals from Afghanistan and Iraq, perhaps the most mobilizing issue among Obama's grassroots supporters. (By the way, during Clint Eastwood's curious, rambling speech at the GOP convention when he called for immediate withdrawal from Afghanistan, the conservative crowd erupted in cheers. Gee, what a difference four years and a Democratic commander-in-chief makes!)
Wednesday, October 21, 2009
Poll: U.S. majority favors public option
But this is it. This is how we get it done: through the states. Even 56% of Republicans favors a public option if it's provided by the states. Apparently they opposed the public option soley because of their pathological, irrational fear of all things federal, but whatever, let's do it.
Kucinich has a state public-option amendment in the House, and Sanders has one in the Senate.
Public option gains support
By Dan Balz and Jon Cohen
October 20, 2009 Washington Post
[...]
57 percent of all Americans now favor a public insurance option, while 40 percent oppose it. Support has risen since mid-August, when a bare majority, 52 percent, said they favored it. (In a June Post-ABC poll, support was 62 percent.)
If a public plan were run by the states and available only to those who lack affordable private options, support for it jumps to 76 percent. Under those circumstances, even a majority of Republicans, 56 percent, would be in favor of it, about double their level of support without such a limitation.
Monday, October 19, 2009
WH adviser: Obama 'not demanding' public option
Friday, October 16, 2009
Krugman: Insurance industry's overreach helps reform?
A Hatchet Job So Bad It's Good
By Paul Krugman
October 15, 2009 | New York Times
[....]
As I said, the individual mandate probably should be stronger than it is in the Finance Committee's bill. But there's a reason the mandate was weakened: fear that too many people would balk at the cost of insurance, even with the subsidies provided to lower-income individuals and families. So why not address that cost?
Aside from making the subsidies larger, which they should be, there are at least two changes to the legislation that would help limit costs. First, health exchanges — special, regulated markets in which individuals and small businesses can buy insurance — can be made stronger, in effect giving small buyers a better bargaining position. Second, the public option — missing from the Finance Committee's bill — can be brought back in, giving private insurers some real competition.
The insurance industry won't like these changes, but that matters less than it did a week ago.
There's also another point, which House Speaker Nancy Pelosi has stressed. Part of the opposition to a strong individual mandate comes from the sense that Americans will be forced to buy policies from a greedy insurance industry. Giving people, literally, another option — the right to buy into a public plan instead — would defuse that opposition.
[Indeed, BaucusCare, if passed by Congress as is, would be a corporate socialist giveaway to the insurance industry by mandating that every American buy private health insurance or else pay a tax penalty. -J]
Even with stronger exchanges and a public option, health reform would probably increase, not reduce, insurance industry profits. But the insurers wanted it all. The good news is that by overreaching, they may have ensured that they won't get it.
Monday, October 12, 2009
Free-market case for public option
Something like televisions exist in a free market because consumers, if they don't like any of the new TVs on the market, can simply keep their old one. If they really don't like the market, they can even forgo owning one altogether; it will make you unpopular on game day, but it won't risk your life. Insurance is different. Anyone with a sense of basic self-preservation has no choice but to buy health insurance every single month. You cannot opt out, there are few options to choose from, and it's difficult to know how to price your future risk of injury. So health insurance companies have distorted incentives to innovate or provide a more cost-effective product.
A public option would, crazy as it might sound, make health insurance a free market. If there exists a government-run plan, which by all accounts would be basic and geared towards affordability, consumers will have the ability to opt out of the private insurance market. Private providers would finally have real incentives to provide a better product and innovate by building an insurance plan stronger than public insurance. Fears that a public option might decree certain treatments "not cost-effective," which are not as outlandish as some liberals think, should delight free-market conservatives because it would be an opportunity for private insurers to step in. Worried you might develop a condition requiring $60,000 medication that no public option would ever include? Buy a blinged-out private plan that, for an increased premium, will.
The hurrahs over last week's CBO score make this even more important. The deficit-positive badge on Baucus's plan makes it all the more likely that his version of reform will be similar to the final product, which means greatly enhanced coverage, through a weak but present mandate and other provisions, but no public option. In short, it means 29 million more people will buy private health insurance, which is great for them. But with insurers getting millions of guaranteed customers without having to improve their product, the incentives for innovation go way down. The already unfree health insurance market would become even less free.
Wednesday, September 30, 2009
Senate Dems stab Americans in the back, as expected
"Carper said he did not vote for the [public option] amendment because 'it would give the government an unfair advantage in the marketplace by allowing it to negotiate prices initially based on Medicare. That would stifle competition, not increase it, and the end result, I believe, would not be good for the consumer.'"
